Professor Francis Deng
In the Bona Malual Madut Ring, we have lost a devoted leader who played a significant role in shaping the future of our nation. Personally, Bona was my companion in serving our country and its people, a beloved brother and very close friend. I am still struggling to accept that he is no longer with us. However, this is the fate we all must face when the time arrives. Bona showed remarkable bravery in the face of danger and expressed his views fearlessly, both through speech and his extensive writings. This is what I mean by fighting with words and pen.
Bona and I were the same age. He once mentioned that Chief Benjamin Lang Juuk, who could read and write, noted 1938 as his year of birth. While the details of my own birth weren't documented, I have managed to determine that it occurred in August 1938. Our passports, which followed the usual practice in Sudan during that period, had dates of birth mostly unrecorded and thus set to January 1, the day of independence from colonial rule, making both Bona and me appear as born on January 1, 1938. Once, when we presented our passports at the State Department in Washington, the receptionist asked if we were twins.
As per Bona, our initial meeting took place during childhood when he came with his father, Chief Madut Ring, who was the same age as my father and also his friend. They visited Abyei for an inter-tribal gathering around 1945 and stayed at our house. My memory of that event is unclear, but I do recall that there were chiefs and a child staying at our home for that occasion.
Years later, during the 1960s, I started hearing about Bona Malual as a young man involved in politics, and later as the editor of a prominent South Sudanese newspaper,The Vigilant, the voice of South Sudan, which bravely recorded and revealed the terrible crimes taking place in the country.The authorities charged him with that, but he was cleared on appeal. He later became one of the key figures in the Southern Front, which was advocating for the self-determination of Southern Sudan.
I had the opportunity to meet Bona in person in 1968 when, as a member of Parliament, he came to the United States and was in New York City. At that time, I was pursuing my law doctorate at Yale University in New Haven. Bona contacted me, and I went to visit him. We met and formed a connection. He later came back to New Haven for a visit, and our relationship grew stronger.
A year later, in August 1969, several months after Colonel Jaafar Nimeiri seized power in May, my brother Bol and I returned home to visit our ailing father. We arrived in Khartoum and checked into a hotel. I then reached out to Abel Alier, who had been my senior colleague at the Faculty of Law at Khartoum University. At that time, Abel was serving as a minister in Nimeiri's government. He and Bona were political allies and key figures in the Southern Front. Abel immediately let Bona know about our arrival, and Bona quickly came to meet us at the hotel. He insisted that we stay at his house. From that point onward, he became a close partner in looking after our father.
One day, Bona and I went to visit Father at the hospital. As we were about to leave his room, Father asked me to stay back while Bona left first. He praised Bona greatly and encouraged us to collaborate closely with him. It was clear to me that Bona must have done something that made a deep impression on Father. Later, I found out that Bona, as a prominent member of Parliament, had defended Father during his conflict with the Governor of Kordofan by securing the support of the Minister of Interior against the governor. This governor had previously worked in the South and was well-known for his hostility toward Southerners, especially tribal leaders.
Bona and I got back in touch when he left the country to continue his education in the United States. We lived together in my small apartment until he started at the University. From that point until his passing, we collaborated closely and discussed national matters. This involved numerous activities that cannot be fully described in this short tribute. I can only highlight a few key points. We played a significant role in both the 1972 Addis Ababa Agreement and the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement, which gave South Sudan the right to self-determination and eventually led to its independence on July 9, 2011.
Bona and I were later appointed to Nimeiri's government, with Bona serving as Deputy Minister of Information and Culture, and he was subsequently promoted to Minister of State and then to full Minister. I was appointed as Ambassador to Scandinavia, later becoming Ambassador to Washington and eventually Minister of State for Foreign Affairs. Bona was highly innovative and instrumental in modernizing and technologically enhancing the ministry of culture and information. He established very strong ties with the President. I also maintained close cooperation with Dr. Mansour Khalid, who was the Minister of Foreign Affairs, as well as with President Nimeiri. In our respective roles, we collaborated closely with our Southern colleagues to coordinate our efforts and work towards advancing the interests of Southern Sudan at the center.
During the so-called Libyan invasion led by the Libya-based opposition under Sadig al-Mahdi, Bona demonstrated a truly heroic role. Instead of staying safe in his home due to the danger, he drove through hazardous streets to his office and took charge of managing the situation under perilous circumstances. By utilizing Radio Juba and collaborating with the Southern Regional Government and allies in the broader region, particularly Egypt, Bona made a significant contribution to repelling the attack. Senior military officers in the government later spoke to me with great admiration for Bona, praising him as a brave individual and highlighting his courageous efforts in preventing the attack.
After Nimeiri re-established contact with the exiled opposition just a year later, considering that these were individuals who had strongly opposed the Addis Ababa Agreement, Bona opposed this reconciliation, viewing it as a danger to the Addis Agreement and against the interests of the south. I, on the other hand, supported it as an expansion of national unity. I attempted to mediate between Bona and Sadig, but without success. Bona chose to resign, yet Nimeiri refused to accept his resignation. They reached a compromise by granting Bona a period of study leave, after which he went to Oxford. However, he continued to be a member of the Sudan Socialist Union's Political Bureau and periodically returned to Khartoum for meetings.
Later, Abel Alier, during his second term as head of the High Executive Council, named Bona as Minister of Industry. Tensions between the Southern Sudan Regional Government and President Nimeiri were growing more hostile, particularly after Nimeiri split the South into three less powerful regions, drawing on the old provinces of Bahr el Ghazal, Equatoria, and Upper Nile. Regarding the administration of the oil sector, the central government transported the crude from the South to be refined in the North. This led to a conflict in which Bona had a significant role.
During my return to Khartoum to participate in the meeting of the Sudan Socialist Union Central Committee, I learned about the large-scale arrests of key figures from the Southern regional government, as well as approximately twenty Ngok Dinka leaders, including the Paramount Chief Kuol Adol Deng and Dr. Zachariah Bol Deng, who had previously served as Deputy Speaker of the Legislative Assembly and Minister of Health. The conditions in the South were deteriorating rapidly, approaching a breaking point. Abyei had witnessed a rebellion led by our brother Michael Miokol Deng, which was spreading into the South. At the Central Committee meetings, the Governors of Kordofan and Bahr el Ghazal blamed Abyei for the unrest, particularly targeting our Deng Majok family. I wished to speak, but the Chairman, Vice President Omer Mohamed Eltayeb, who also held the position of Chief of National Security, advised me not to speak and requested that I meet him in his office to discuss the matter.
During our conversation, I suggested taking action regarding both the situations in South Sudan and Abyei, which were responsible for the large-scale detentions. Concerning South Sudan, I recommended that General Mohamed Al-Baghir, the esteemed former Vice President, be assigned to facilitate unity talks among the Southern leaders, while I would handle the mediation for the Abyei issue. Omer Mohamed Eltayeb accepted my proposal but required Nimeiri's approval. I also informed key Southern leaders—Abel Alier, Joseph Lago, and Bona Malual—about my initiative, and they all showed their support.
After waiting for a response from the Vice President for a period that suggested discouraging possibilities, he called me with excitement to inform me that President Nimeiri had warmly accepted my mediation regarding Abyei. However, the President seemed to have gone back on al-Baghir's role in mediating the unity of the Southern Sudanese conflict. Baghir himself hinted to me that he believed Nimeiri was determined to split the South and cancel the Addis Ababa Agreement, and therefore did not want the South to become unified. My efforts continued for several months and ultimately succeeded in securing the release of the Ngok Dinka detainees, which was met with great enthusiasm and celebrated as if it were a second Addis Ababa Agreement.
Although Nimeiri made an agreement with Bona to allow him to go abroad for studies, their relationship kept worsening. This was especially true considering the part Bona was taking in the South to defend the regional government's rights against the central authority. I recall Nimeiri asking me a question about Bona with clear hostility, "Why is your friend so ambitious?" It was obviously a sarcastic remark from someone whose own ambitions had led him to take power through force. I didn't answer, just gave a vague gesture.
On the day when the Ngok Dinka prisoners were set free, Bona was arrested and taken into custody. Bona was treated kindly by the guards and was permitted to have visitors freely. They definitely showed him respect as a leader. During one of my visits to him, I asked the guards if Bona could accompany me for a drive to provide him with some change of scenery. The guards agreed and one of them joined us. Our drive around town concluded at my house for tea, with the guard remaining with us throughout. I couldn't help but reflect on the distinctive humane nature of the Sudanese people in granting a detainee such a degree of freedom.
Another sign of respect for Bona, even while he was detained, was when Omer Mohamed Eltayed, who, as the head of security, had access to information about people suspected of conspiring against the government, made special emergency arrangements to quickly send Bona out of the country due to an immediate danger to his safety, likely from the President. Bona moved to Oxford, where he founded his monthly journal,The Democratic Gazette, which emerged as a powerful advocate for South Sudan's cause on the global stage.
Bona and I kept working to support the Southern cause. After the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement and Army, SPLM/A, was formed, even though we were not official members of the movement, we collaborated with its leadership, particularly with the Chairperson, Dr. John Garang de Mabior, in advocating for the South in the United States. Bona frequently joined me and the team we had assembled in Washington to advance the Southern cause. I recall a meeting with our common friend, Boutros Ghali, who was then the UN Secretary-General. Interestingly, Boutros criticized us for not being part of the SPLM. We responded by questioning whether he would have met with us if we had been members of the anti-government rebel group. Our stance was that we were more effective in supporting the movement without formal membership.
John Garang assigned Bona and me to serve as representatives of the SPLM in the Swiss-backed bilateral quartet discussions, where the government was represented by two individuals and we stood for the Movement. The government's representatives frequently changed and at various points included Mutrif Siddig, Mohamed Abdelrahman, Ali Osman, and others, while Bona and I stayed consistent throughout the entire initiative. As per John Garang, it was crucial that we were not official members of the Movement, as this would have allowed them to claim us as members if they were satisfied with our performance and reject us if they were not. We were all content with this setup.
When the IGAD nations, led by new leaders in Ethiopia and Eritrea—Meles Zenawi and Isaias Aferework—agreed to mediate an end to the conflict in Sudan, a regional think tank known as the Inter-Africa Group, headed by an Ethiopian Muslim activist named Abdul Mohamed, established a resource group to support the mediators. Bona Malual and I were actively involved in this resource group. Upon learning of Bona's death, Abdul Mohamed sent me a message that included the following: "Dear Dr. Francis, I was deeply saddened to hear about the passing of your dear friend and lifelong brother, Bona Malual. Please accept my sincere condolences and deep solidarity during this difficult time... You and Bona were always a joy to see together—your friendship was characterized by intellect, respect, and shared patriotism. You debated passionately, yet always with love for Sudan and for Africa."
In the National Dialogue launched by President Kiir in 2017 to discuss matters related to peace, unity, and building the nation in South Sudan, Bona and I served on the Steering Committee. Bona held the position of Rapporteur, while I was one of two Deputy Rapporteurs. Following Bona's recommendation, I was appointed as the Spokesperson for the Steering Committee. Additionally, due to my suggestion, one of the sub-committees focused on grassroots consultations in Abyei. The National Dialogue was a comprehensive process that addressed the political, economic, social, and cultural challenges associated with peace, security, and nation-building in the country.
Bona and I were constantly together, arriving at meetings and departing in the same car, even though we each owned a vehicle, sharing our meals and afternoon coffee, and attending diplomatic and social events together, yet strongly disagreeing in a way that amused our colleagues. The mix of our unbreakable friendship with regular disagreements on various topics became a source of amusement for our colleagues, who openly seemed to enjoy it, similar to what Abdul Mohamed mentioned in his account of the IGAD mediation process. Abu Ajaj, Bona's trusted assistant, used to call Bona and me Teiman, Twins.
Following four years of dedicated effort, we recorded the outcomes of the national dialogue in five volumes, which were professionally published thanks to the generous assistance of the United Nations Development Program, UNDP, in South Sudan. Bona and I authored the same Foreword.
Even though Bona and I frequently had differences in opinions, and our interactions were intricate, I have no doubt in stating that I viewed Bona Malual as both a beloved brother and my closest friend. Although our relationship was often complex and at times challenging, which many found hard to comprehend, we accomplished a lot together in the interest of our people and nation. Our disagreements were not harmful, but rather contributed to a balance and strengthened our efforts in working towards our common goals of serving the country and its people.
Although Bona will be greatly missed, the impact of his work for our people and the country will remain. Alongside some form of existence after death, which is now supported by Christian and Muslim ideas of eternal life in the afterlife, the Dinka hold a belief called kooc. e nhom, Lifting the head of the deceased upright. It is a concept of lasting identity and impact through the remembrance of the dead by the living—children, family members, friends, and everyone who has left a meaningful impression. According to these standards, there is little doubt that Bona will remain in our memory and for many generations ahead. May the Almighty God also grant his soul eternal peace.